Cover Report

Politics Takes Its Tolls 

Zahid Newaz
  

Several journalists from Spain, working on a documentary on child labor, visited Bangladesh in 2000. At that time they met many people and in personal talks at a private party they concluded that Bangladeshis love to talk about past, not future. “And that’s the biggest problem for Bangladesh,” commented one of them. Asked why he was making such comments, he said: Whoever we talked to they had reference to 1971, '75, '82, '90. We are not undermining your great achievements like the independence in 1971 and journey towards 1990. But, unfortunately none talked about Bangladesh’s vision for the next 10 or 20 years.

That is the reality for Bangladesh. The unfortunate part is that Bangladesh’s friends abroad realize the reality, but not the politicians who rule the country and are supposed to lead the nation under a democratic process. Now it is the belief of people that the top politicians, since restoration of democracy, showed tremendous failure. They blame the national leadership for taking the country almost on the verge of collapse.

The main problem in Bangladesh politics is mistrust. The rivalry between the two major political parties reached such a height that two key leaders of Awami League and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) even don’t say hello to each other. It is a rare occasion that Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina join a same function. Past experiences showed that even they did not exchange pleasantries when both of them on rare occasions like Armed Forces Day came close to each other.

What the message get their millions of supporters when the two leaders act like kids and don’t talk to each other? This kind of childish attitude openly divided the nation and the supporters of either party consider others not only as political rivals, but also as enemies. Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina in such a way created a divided nation only for lust of power.

The latest crisis also emerged for the hunger for power. This time the architect was Khaleda Zia’s BNP and her four-party coalition of which fundamentalist Jamaat-e-Islami is a major partner. Barrister Moudud Ahmed, responsible for many occurrences, piloted the amendment in the Constitution that pushed the country towards a serious confrontation and uncertainty.

The amendment in the name of continuation of quality judges raised their retirement age from 65 to 67. It made the way for immediate past Chief Justice KM Hasan to become head of the caretaker government. Had not been brought the amendment the present Chief Justice Syed JR Mudassir Husain would become the Chief Advisor of the caretaker administration. Not necessarily Justice KM Hasan would become a pawn of BNP, but BNP leadership thought his caretaker government would favor them for his affiliation with the party for a brief period in late '70s and early '80s. This is the proof that a political party can do anything, if its motto is only to capture power by any means.

But, it was the biggest mistake the BNP ever made since it had held a one-party farcical election on February 15, 1996. The result at that time was that it had to leave the power in two months after bowing down to the demand of the Awami League and its then allies Jatiya Party and Jamaat for holding election under a constitutional non-party, neutral caretaker government.

This time, too, BNP did not consider the strength of Awami League and thought that it will succeed in materializing the evil design. But, again Khaleda Zia had to bow down to popular demand of Sheikh Hasina that no government of KM Hasan will be allowed. When the Hasan mission failed, BNP went for a new conspiracy. That is making President Iajuddin Ahmed the head of the caretaker government. Apparently, BNP succeeded and it continued to control everything of the state. But, that did not last long. The ultimate result is now known to all.

On the other hand, Awami League spearheaded a campaign against Justice Hasan in a way that he is the most hatred person of the country although his impartiality as the Chief Justice was never questioned. Sheikh Hasina and Awami League tried to convince people that he had expressed inability to take part in the hearing of Bangabandhu murder case for his affiliation with the killers of the father of the nation. Apparently, the Hasan’s gesture went in favor of convicts in the case. But practically one must admit it was natural that a judge having incidental relations for his marriage with couple of convicts should not hear a case.

Another argument was that Justice Hasan, while in Supreme Court as a lawyer, was involved with BNP politics as its International Affairs Secretary. He was also made an Ambassador by the BNP government. 

Later he became a judge. But, since then naturally he did not have any link with any party. Even his close kins said that Justice Hasan after becoming a judge did not maintain intimate relations with them so that he can live the life as a true judge.

Sheikh Hasina did not allow Justice Hasan as head of the caretaker government for his involvement with the BNP two decades back. But, she conditionally accepted Prof Dr Iajuddin Ahmed, who was still loyal to BNP and Khaleda Zia. If Iajuddin could have been given the benefit of doubt why not Justice KM Hasan? Many believe had Justice Hasan been given the scope the situation would have been different. The gesture of Justice Hasan itself shows it. Following huge opposition from Awami League, he announced not to take the responsibility of the Chief Advisor. On the other hand, Iajuddin Ahmed bypassed several options of the Constitution to become the head of the caretaker government and had to step down from the post only after the country reached on the verge of collapse. That, too, was possible only after international criticism and positive and right interference.

The country, after more than two months of political brinkmanship, is now under a state of emergency with a new caretaker government in power. Paradoxically though, many want to believe that the worst of the political crisis might be over. They said that the exit of Iajuddin from the caretaker chief's role opened up the possibility that the country can now look forward to peaceful, free and fair polls. But, many others think that that there are plenty of reasons to be more pessimistic. The road ahead is full of stumbling blocks.

If election is the main target of the caretaker government, it has to do a lot of things: reconstitution of the Election Commission replacing the present partisan and inept people by efficient and neutral persons, preparing a true updated voters’ list, neutralizing the administration and such creating an atmosphere where all the political parties will take part and a really free, fair and credible elections will be held.

But, people now think holding a so-called credible election is not enough. Since an opportunity is there to infuse fresh blood in the national leadership, it should not be wasted. If the system continues to prevail where black money holders, godfathers and identified corrupt people can take part in the elections and get the scope to be elected if not by muscle but by money the peoples’ aspirations will not be fulfilled.

The election mechanism the BNP had prepared and tried to implement through Iajuddin Ahmed has been jolted for the time being. If now the Awami version of the past five years rulers are elected to rule the country there will be no use of the pro-people interference. In that case, on completion of the tenure, the government of Awami League, or the grand alliance, will again try to leave the power leaving a new mechanism hoping to stage a comeback by any means. Not unlikely another interference will be required again.

So, to people, the best option is ensuring a system where the politicians will be compelled to establish good governance, rampant corruption checked and dignity of people maintained. If the present system is allowed to continue, again Hasina or Khaleda in the name of parliamentary democracy will establish a person’s or a family’s rule in Bangladesh. People suffered a lot, now they want a changeover in the system.

Since there is no alternative to democracy and rule of peoples’ representatives, and anyway the either party or alliance will be elected a system has to be established where there will be a check and balance. Enough is enough and the return of the monsters should be checked.

The existing system will again gift the nation the old versions of ruling by Khaleda Zia or Sheikh Hasina. So again the return of Joynal Hazari, Shamim Osman, Abul Hasnat Abdullah or Tarique Rahman, Giasuddin Al Mamun and their Hawa Bhaban. The present government should go for massive constitutional reform so that the winners cannot take all and losers loss everything. The existing political system took the tolls and ultimate sufferers are the people.

So, for the sake of the people, the interim administration, if it needs to take more time, should take it and go for the reform. A national commission can be formed who can prepare a revised constitution where peoples’ right will be really ensured and political criminals checked. A major task in this regard should be reform in politics both in micro and macro levels. The reform will not only ensure registration of the political parties, but also transparency in earning and spending of the parties, election to the key leadership and refraining a person from leading a party his or her life long, etc. If there is democracy there is no need of student politics and politics in the educational institutions should be banned. Also, trade unions should act as true trade union, not the tools of the political parties.

The major problem of today’s Bangladesh is that it is a one person’s rule, dictatorship of the Prime Minister, in the name of the Parliamentary system. Article 70 of the Constitution barred the MPs of respective party to take independent opinion in the Parliament. Excepting formation of the government and in case of no-confidence motion this provision must be waived. If the MPs cannot talk independently and always have to abide by the whipping of the respective party it is useless to be an MP. So, alongside ensuring democracy inside the political parties, the Parliament should be a true center of practicing democracy.

But, before all of these current systems should witness a major change so that corrupt people do not get the minimum chance to be elected to the Parliament. In fact, corruption is the main problem for the nation and the motto of today’s politics, from top to bottom, from supreme leaders who are proved to be inept and inefficient to grassroot ones who are known as criminals in their respective localities, is making money. The moneyed men joined the politics to make more money and by the money they sent patriotic politicians to exile.

The caretaker government, which is not elected but enjoys huge public support, should go for stern action against the corrupt people. If some leading corrupt persons are given exemplary punishment, the corrupt people must get a lesson to be cautious for the future. If corruption cannot be checked, Bangladesh has no future. Following donors’ pressure, the past rulers were compelled to form the Anti-Corruption Commission, but again the appointments were made on political considerations that ultimately brought inefficient people on the helm of the important body. 

Civil bureaucracy is another sector that the corrupt politicians destroyed since restoration of the democracy. The situation reached such an alarming level that promotion now depends on allegiance to the ruling party, not on their efficiency. Now there are BNP bureaucrats and Awami League bureaucrats, not servants of the people that should have been. While a section of senior officials got marching order during the BNP-Jamaat coalition government, Deputy Secretaries became Secretaries in five years. It enraged others. So, during the early stage of Iajuddin’s caretaker government, the showdowns of pro-BNP and pro-Awami League government officials were very common. The important pillar has to be brought back to its original glory and fashion and the interim government has a lot to do. Ironically, country’s judiciary is also not out of politics.

Dirty politics is obstructing towards a march forward. It destroyed all the institutions of the country. The economy is badly affected. Traditional politicians to whom people are not priority must be checked before they cause further damage to the nation. People do not need those for whom their families, money and power are only priorities.

Whatever happens after the expiry of the interim government, one thing is certain that the politicians buried them again. Although the caretaker system itself is a proof that the national leaders do not trust them -- many wonder how they seek peoples’ support when either party considers another as thief -- it was some sort of relief that at least the election will be held under an impartial manner. Although by going for non-party caretaker government system the politicians themselves proved that voting, a key exercise of democracy, is not safe under the hands of politicians, people had a sigh of relief that at least they will be allowed to right to franchise.

There was little criticism from the losing side about the election held in 1996 under the first constitutional caretaker government. But in 2001, the losers came up with widespread criticism. Politics already took its tolls in Bangladesh, but politics should not be blamed. It is politicians who like ghosts are taking the country towards back.

Adopting the caretaker system was the best proof that how the political parties consider each other dishonest and corrupt, and now burying it they again proved how they destroy everything while people want to see them as creators and architects of a happy and prosperous Bangladesh. Unfortunately, it is not fit for Bangladesh where the objective of politics became synonym to money making machine.



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